In a bold and unexpected move, Ghana's newly elected president John Mahama has
left Ekoas' leadership in shock with a dramatic policy shift following his visit
to Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger, the three nations that broke away from Ekoas,
accusing it of serving foreign interests and instead forming the Alliance of
Sahel States, AES.
To fully grasp the weight of this development, we must rewind to just a week
prior. Before embarking on his tour of the Sahel Nations, Mahama met with
Ivorian President Alassane Ouattara, who urged him to engage with the breakaway
states in an attempt to reintegrate them into Ekoas. Mahama, appearing
diplomatic, told Ouattara to exercise patience as he sought a way to work with
them until they returned to constitutional democracy. Yet, what followed was
anything but an attempt to bring these countries back into the Ekoas' fold.
On Saturday, March 8, 2025, President Mahama landed in Bamako, where he held
talks with Mali's leader, Colonel Assimi Goyota. In a significant declaration,
Mahama stated that Ekoas and AES could co-exist without interference. To cement
this position, he signed agreements with Mali to open an Accra-Bamako trade
corridor, allowing Mali to import essential goods through Ghana's ports.
His diplomatic offensive continued the next day, March 9, in Niamey, where he
met with Niger's General Abdourahmane Tiani. There, the two leaders signed an
economic partnership focusing on security cooperation, unimpeded trade, and
regional stability. Mahama emphasised the importance of recognising AES and
strengthening joint counter-terrorism efforts, arguing that the threat of
terrorism is not just a Sahelian problem, but one that also affects Ghana and
the broader West African region.
The final stop on Mahama's tour was Ouagadougou on March 10, where he met with
the young and fiery Captain Ibrahim Traore. Here, Mahama proposed:
* Opening a daily Accra-Ouagadougou-Accra flight.
* Constructing an oil and gas pipeline to facilitate trade, given Burkina
Faso's current exclusion from Ivorian ports.
Traore agreed, marking a major victory for both nations, while Cote d'Ivoire
found itself on the losing end. "Our objective is to facilitate the free
movement of goods and people and ensure the seamless transit of Burkina Faso's
merchandise through the Ghana corridor," Mahama declared.
In the end, Mahama did not bring AES back into ECOWAS. Instead, he secured
economic partnerships and a shared security vision with the breakaway states,
directly contradicting Awatara's wishes. So, the burning question remains. Did
President Mahama fool Alassane Awatara? Oh, he most certainly did. If the
Ivorian satrap Awatara played the fool, Mahama proved himself the master
strategist. He understands that geopolitics is not just about loyalty to
outdated alliances. It is about securing tangible benefits for the people of
Ghana and the region. Unlike Awatara, who remains shackled to external
influences, Mahama has demonstrated that African nations can forge their own
paths, where business and politics are wisely separated when necessary.
As the dust settles, one thing is clear. Mahama's bold pivot may signal the dawn
of a new West African geopolitical order, one not dictated by Paris, Washington,
or Brussels, but by Accra, Bamako, Niamey, and Ouagadougou.
Before we continue, hit that like and subscribe button and now let us dig deeper
to uncover the full implications of this power shift. Across the vast and
vibrant tapestry of Africa, a seismic shift is reverberating through the Sahel,
sending ripples of hope and defiance to every corner of the continent.
Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger formerly severed ties with the economic community
of West African states, Ekowaz, a regional bloc long heralded as a beacon of
unity and economic integration in West Africa. In its place, these three
nations, led by revolutionary military juntas, have forged the alliance of Sahel
States, AES, a bold new confederation rooted in sovereignty, self-determination,
and a rejection of neo-colonial shackles.
For many Africans, this move is not merely a geopolitical realignment, it is a
clarion call for the liberation of the continent from external domination and
the reassertion of African agency. Yet, as Ekowaz leaders like Ivory Coast
President Alassane Ouattara push figures like Ghana's President John Mahama to
engage these nations, a curious twist emerges.Mahama, despite his diplomatic
visits, refrains from demanding their return to Ekowas. Is this a sign of
genuine pan-African respect for their choice, or is Ekowas under pressure from
France orchestrating a subtle campaign to reel them back into the fold? The
answers lie in the hearts of Africans who see the AES as a long overdue stand
against a compromise system.
The decision by Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to exit Ekowas has ignited
celebrations not only in the streets of Ouagadougou, Bamako and Niamey, but also
in the minds of Africans from Lagos to Nairobi, Cairo to Cape Town. For too
long, Ekowas has been perceived as a tool of Western interests, particularly
those of France, the former colonial master whose influence still looms large
over West Africa. The bloc's response to the coups that swept these nations
between 2020 and 2023, imposing crippling sanctions, threatening military
intervention and demanding a return to civilian rule, reeked of hypocrisy to
many. While Ekowas preached democracy, it turned a blind eye to the failures of
civilian governments plagued by corruption, insecurity and subservience to
foreign powers.
The juntas, led by figures like Burkina Faso's Captain Ibrahim Traore, Mali's
Colonel Assimi Goita and Niger's General Abdourahmane Chiani, have tapped into a
deep well of frustration, promising to prioritise the needs of their people over
the dictates of external actors. For pan-Africanists, this exit is a triumph of
self-reliance. The AES represents a rejection of the neo-colonial framework that
has kept Africa tethered to the whims of Paris, Washington and their proxies in
regional bodies like Ekowas.
In Burkina Faso, Traore's expulsion of French troops and his embrace of local
solutions to combat jihadist insurgencies have inspired a generation weary of
foreign military bases dotting the continent. In Mali, the shift toward
partnerships with Russia and other non-Western powers signals a break from the
suffocating grip of France's Operation Barkhane, which many argue exacerbated
rather than resolved insecurity. Niger's expulsion of French uranium companies
and its demand for fairer resource control echo the cries of Patrice Lumumba and
Thomas Sankara, heroes whose visions of economic independence were snuffed out
by imperial machinations.
Across Africa, social media platforms buzz with hashtags like #AESRising and
#AfricaForAfricans, as citizens hail the trio's courage to chart a path free
from the old guard's playbook. The economic implications further fuel this
enthusiasm. Ekowas, with its $702 billion market and visa-free travel, was once
a symbol of regional unity. But for landlocked Sahel states, the benefits were
uneven, often favouring coastal giants like Nigeria and Ivory Coast, while
leaving nations like Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger economically marginalised.
The AES's plans for a common passport, joint military force and localised trade
networks promise a system tailored to the Sahel's unique needs, arid landscapes,
nomadic traditions and a shared struggle against terrorism. Africans see this as
a model for regional cooperation that doesn't sacrifice sovereignty on the altar
of globalisation, a sentiment echoed by scholars like Dr Amina Diallo of
Senegal's Cheikh Anta Diop University, who told this correspondent the AES is
proof that Africa can build its own institutions free from the blueprints of
colonial architects.
Yet, as the AES gains traction, Ekowas's leaders scramble to salvage their
crumbling block. Ivory Coast's President Alassane Ouattara, alongside Nigeria's
bowler Ahmed Tanubu, has been vocal in urging Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger to
reconsider their exit. Ouattara's March 6th 2025 plea alongside Ghana's John
Mahama for the trio to rejoin the West African family was framed as a call for
unity, but to Pan-Africanists it reeks of desperation and French fingerprints.
France, with its economic lifeline tied to West Africa's resources, notably
Niger's uranium and the region's CFA franc currency, stands to lose
significantly if the AES consolidates its independence. Ekowas, long seen as a
stabilising force for French interests, has been a key player in maintaining
this status quo. The bloc's sanctions on Niger after its 2023 coup, for
instance, align suspiciously with France's outrage over the junta's anti-French
policies.
Enter John Mahama, Ghana's newly inaugurated president and a respected figure in
Pan-African circles. Appointed as a special envoyto the AES states, Mahama has
embarked on a diplomatic tour, meeting Traore in Ouagadougou on March 10th,
2025, and planning visits to Mali and Nigeria. ECOWAS leaders, particularly
Ouattara, appear to be leaning on Mahama's credibility to broker a return.
Ouattara's influence in ECOWAS is formidable. His close ties to France, forged
through decades of economic and political alignment, make him a natural conduit
for Parisian interests.
Sources within ECOWAS suggest that France has quietly pressured the bloc to
restore its authority, fearing the AES's pivot to Russia and its potential to
inspire other African nations to follow suit. A leaked diplomatic cable,
unverified but widely circulated, allegedly shows French officials urging
Ouattara to use all levers to prevent the AES from gaining legitimacy.
But here's where the plot thickens. Mahama, despite his mandate, has not once
publicly demanded that Burkina Faso, Mali or Niger return to ECOWAS. In
Ouagadougou, he spoke of rebuilding trust and collaboration, even hinting at
coexistence between ECOWAS and the AES. There's a breakdown of trust, he told
journalists, and while rebuilding it will take time, we must work toward mutual
respect, even if we're not in the same regional body. This stance has baffled
some ECOWAS hardliners, but delighted pan-Africanists, who see it as a tacit
acknowledgement of the AES's legitimacy.
Mahama's history as ECOWAS chairman (2014-2016), and his reputation as a
mediator during crises like the Ebola outbreak, give him a unique perspective.
Unlike Ouattara, whose ties to France raise suspicions, Mahama's Ghana has no
colonial baggage with Paris, positioning him as a bridge rather than a
bulldozer.
Why then does Mahama avoid the hard sell? The answer lies in his pan-African
roots and Ghana's legacy as a cradle of anti-colonial resistance. From Kwame
Nkrumah's vision of a united Africa to Jerry Rawlings' defiance of Western
hegemony, Ghana has long been a moral compass for the continent. Mahama, a
student of this history, understands that forcing the AES states back into
ECOWAS would betray the very principles of self-determination that Nkrumah
championed.
His closed-door meeting with Traoré reportedly focused on practical cooperation,
trade routes, counter-terrorism and a proposed Accra-Ouagadougou flight, not on
ultimatums. This approach aligns with the sentiments of Africans who view the
AES as a legitimate expression of sovereignty, not a rebellion to be quashed.
Moreover, Mahama's reticence may reflect a strategic calculation. ECOWAS's
credibility is waning. The bloc's inability to stem the tide of coups, its
heavy-handed sanctions and its perceived alignment with Western powers have
eroded its moral authority. Forcing the AES states back risks further alienating
them and inspiring others to leave. Guinea, another coup-hit nation, has already
expressed sympathy for the AES model.
Mahama, ever the pragmatist, may be betting on a reformed ECOWAS that can
co-exist with emerging alliances rather than a domineering one that crumbles
under its own contradictions. As for France's role, the evidence is
circumstantial but compelling. French media outlets like RFI have ramped up
coverage of ECOWAS's unity efforts, often framing the AES as a destabilising
force backed by Russia, a narrative that conveniently obscures France's own
destabilising legacy in the Sahel.
Ouattara's frequent consultations with French President Emmanuel Macron, coupled
with Ivory Coast's status as a linchpin of the CFA-Franc zone, fuel suspicions
that Paris is pulling strings behind the scenes. Yet, Mahama's refusal to play
enforcer suggests that France's leverage may be weaker than assumed. The AES
states, buoyed by popular support and new partnerships, are no longer the
pliable pawns of yesteryear.
The rise of the AES is more than a regional spat. It's a litmus test for
Africa's future. For every African who cheers the exit from ECOWAS, there's a
dream of a continent unshackled from neo-colonial chains, a continent where
resources benefit the people, not foreign boardrooms, where security is defined
by African soldiers, not foreign bases, where unity is forged on African terms,
not dictated by Brussels or Paris.
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have lit a spark, and Mahama's delicate dance
reflects the tightrope all African leaders must walk, balancing regional
solidarity with the fierce winds of sovereignty. As the AES rolls out its
biometricpassports and joint military plans, the message to ECOWAS, and to
France, is clear: Africa is waking up. Ouattara may push, and France may prod,
but Mahama's silence speaks louder than their pleas. It's a silence. that says,
let Africans decide. And in that silence, millions hear the drumbeat of a new
era, one where the Sahel leads and the continent follows.
Before I conclude, I must say this: Across the motherland, a wind of change is
blowing, fierce and unapologetic, stirring the souls of Africans from the Sahel
to the Cape, from the Horn to the Atlantic shores. At the heart of this
awakening stands Burkina Faso's Captain Ibrahim Traoré, a young revolutionary
whose steely resolve has ignited a fire of hope in a continent long shackled by
the chains of neo-colonialism. Alongside him, the military leaders of Mali and
Niger, Colonel Assimi Goita and General Abdourahmane Tiani, form a triumvirate
of defiance, a beacon of resistance against the suffocating grip of external
powers.
Their bold actions, expelling foreign troops, rejecting Western diktats and
forging the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), signal a new dawn for Africa, one
where the continent's destiny is shaped by its own hands, not dictated from
Paris, Washington or Brussels. It is a call that every African leader must heed
if we are to rise as a great continent, united and sovereign, free from the
meddling of those who see us as pawns in their global chess game.
For too long, Africa has been a playground for foreign interests, its leaders
reduced to puppets dancing to the tunes of imperial masters. From the Berlin
Conference of 1884-1885, where our lands were carved up like a butcher's slab,
to the modern era of IMF loans, military bases and trade agreements that siphon
our wealth, the story has been one of exploitation dressed as partnership.
The economic community of West African states (ECOWAS), once heralded as a
vehicle for regional unity, has morphed into a tool of Western influence,
imposing sanctions on its own kin, at the behest of former colonial powers like
France. The juntas of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger saw through this facade,
choosing instead to break free from ECOWAS in January 2024 and chart their own
course. Their exit was not a mere political manoeuvre; it was a declaration of
war against the status quo, a resounding NO to the idea that Africa's future
must be scripted by outsiders.
Captain Ibrahim Traore, at just 36 years old, embodies the spirit of Thomas
Sankara, Burkina Faso's revered revolutionary leader assassinated in 1987 by
forces aligned with Western interests. Traore's words ring with the same
fervour: Africa's time of slavery to Western regimes is over, and the battle for
full independence has begun, either homeland or death. This is not hyperbole; it
is a rallying cry rooted in the reality of a continent bled dry by resource
theft, puppet governments and foreign military occupation.
Since seizing power in September 2022, Traore has moved decisively, expelling
French troops, dissolving a government beholden to external agendas and aligning
with Mali and Niger to form the AES. This alliance, formalised in July 2024,
unites 72 million people under a banner of self-reliance, vowing to tackle
jihadist threats not with Western handouts but with a joint force of 5,000
troops, equipped and directed by Africans for Africans.
The significance of this shift cannot be overstated. For decades, France
maintained a stranglehold on its former colonies through the CFA-Franc military
bases and economic agreements that favoured Paris over Ouagadougou, Bamako or
Niamey. The presence of French forces in the Sahel, ostensibly to combat
terrorism, did little to stem the tide of violence. Instead, it entrenched
dependency and fuelled resentment.
Traore, Goita and Tiani have said enough. By turning to Russia for security
support, not as a new master but as a strategic partner, they have shattered the
myth that Africa cannot choose its allies. This is not about swapping one
overlord for another. It is about asserting agency, about reclaiming the right
to decide who walks our soil and under what terms.
Why must other African leaders follow this path? Because the alternative is a
continent forever on its knees, begging for crumbs while its gold, uranium and
oil enrich foreign capitals. Consider the numbers:
* Africa holds 30% of the world's mineral reserves, yet 60% of its people live
on lessthan $2 a day.
* The Democratic Republic of Congo produces 70% of the world's cobalt, critical
for electric vehicles, yet its people languish in poverty while multinational
corporations rake in billions. Nigeria pumps oil worth $50 billion annually,
but its refineries lie dormant, forcing it to import fuel. This is the legacy
of external domination, a system designed to keep Africa as a supplier of raw
materials, never a manufacturer, never a master of its own wealth.
When Bukhari Traore and his Sahelian comrades offer a blueprint for reversal,
their vision is not just about kicking out foreign troops, it's about
building something new. Burkina Faso has launched an agricultural strategy to
achieve food sovereignty by 2025, a move that echoes Sankara's push for
self-sufficiency. Mali and Niger, rich in gold and uranium respectively, are
exploring ways to nationalise their resources, ensuring that profits benefit
their people, not foreign shareholders.
The AES is not just a military pact, it's a promise of economic integration,
of trade that prioritises African needs over Western profits. Imagine an
Africa where:
* Kenya's tea,
* Ghana's cocoa,
* South Africa's wine
flow freely across borders, unhindered by tariffs imposed by global trade
bodies serving northern interests. Imagine an Africa where Egypt's
engineering, Nigeria's tech hubs, and Algeria's energy expertise converge to
power a continental renaissance.
Yet, this vision demands courage, courage that many African leaders lack. Too
many still bow to the IMF and World Bank, accepting loans with strings that
strangle sovereignty. Too many host foreign military bases, from Djibouti to
Ghana, trading dignity for dollars. Too many parrot the language of
partnership with the West, ignoring the asymmetry that defines these
relationships.
Traoré's Burkina Faso, Goyta's Mali, and Tiani's Niger have shown that
defiance is possible even in the face of sanctions, propaganda, and threats.
When ECOWAS imposed inhumane sanctions on Niger after i
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