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WHO IS YOUR MAN? A NON-RADICAL MARXIST PERSPECTIVE IN THE NDC PRIMARIES IS NOW OVER IN GHANAIAN POLI

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Who is your man? A non-radical Marxist perspective in the NDC primaries is now over in Ghanaian politics 



Dear delegates, 

Now that the NDC primaries are over, I would like to ask you a few questions: 

Is the MP candidate you have selected/voted really the best person to shape the Ghana we want, or is personal connection, knowledge or financial gain involved in the decision? Can the nominee resist financial incentives and faithfully represent your interests without question?
Will
 the candidate put personal or narrow interests ahead ofcollective interests, including yours? Do you know how muchmoney was spent on their campaign and where that money came from? Is the candidate bright enough to reveal this information to you? Is the candidate intellectually competent or is their selection based on their ability to organize meetings and dramas?
In light of
 Kwame Pianim's claims that our parliament is inadequate, and the agreement of some prominent parliamentarians, who you will choose will be among the five American lawyers Pianim recommends to replace Current trends? Finally, who is your boyfriend?
My
 general education is that our political system is designed to prevent young people who don't have a lot of wealth or refuse to pay for the government to becomelegislators or win elections. Once in a while, someone might prove me wrong, but that's still rare.

This is because of the party'ssystem, which relies on unexplained funds receivedfrom dubious sources, thereby misleading the voters. hand and leads to the lack of explanation of the elected officials. Thissystem is supported by weak laws regarding the financing ofpolitical campaigns.


Our current laws do not have adequate disclosure requirements, making it impossible for us to knowwhether the money used to bribe agents comes from drug dealers or from people pretending to be criminals. money. In addition, there is no limit on advertising expenses,reducing the main exercise in the competition of financial power.

Assuming that a young, talented, and slightly corrupt person has managed to amassenough wealth to compete and win, the real challenge is to maintain their position. In four years, their success as parliamentarians is judged not by their parliamentary standingor their ability to representtheir constituents, but by their ability to afford education. , wedding ceremonies and funerals.


Therefore, a member of parliament may not
 be completely effective in parliament, but continue to work as long as he can keep the wheels of supporters moving. It was not long ago that a friend of the MP said that after he was rightfully removed, his salary was only ten thousand cedis.

This sum is not enough to coverthe tuition fees of three Ghanaian university students in his area or the medical expenses of an elderly person who needs urgent surgery. Therefore, more money will be obtained through questionable means. Have we ever stopped to think abouthow to earn that extra income? Why is buying or selling votes a mistake?


This question has no immediateanswer. You may have seenarguments such as those who suggest that a candidate who cannot raise enough money for their campaign is not qualifiedfor leadership, or in the market economy. and capital forces determine the outcome of elections, even for politicians. To better address this question,I turn to an expert in the field, Michael Sandel. In his book "What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets,"Sandel worries about our society's growing desire to commodify everything. He citedtwo reasons: inequality and corruption.


First
 consider the inequality. In a country where everything is sold, life becomes more difficult in the lives of the humble. As money gains the power to buypolitical influence, better health care, safer neighborhoods and access to professionaleducation, the distribution of income and wealth increases. When everything is valuable, economic value increases overmaterial possessions. This makes the gap between the rich and the poor even worse, increasing the effect of inequality and making money a determinant of life. The second reason Sandel raises is more serious. He argues that pricing anything can undermine the inherent value of products and practices. Markets not only distribute products, they also shape our attitudes towardsthem. For example, paying children to read books may encourage them to read more often, but it teaches them to view reading as a chore rather than a hobby. When we treat certain products as commodities, we devalue them and undermine their importance. The most obviousexample is how human beings are treated as property, as evidenced by the horriblepractice of slavery. Similarly,goods and actions that are useful as citizens and public services should not be considered private property. Eliminating these servicesdiminishes their value and distorts their true meaning. Theunderlying issue here is the commodification of representation in our party primaries.


The parliamentary system itself often hinders important work, because the elite who enter parliament with the intention of using their skills are forced to act in accordance with the fraudulent system of the whip. group. Sometimes these pressures are accompanied by financial incentives, as shownby the work of PC Appiah Ofori and others.

Some suggest that they adoptproportional representation and move away from the NDC'straditional system of electingleaders instead of electing them. Although equal representation may seem attractive, it can soften the impact of the winning process.

The current parliament has shown that even if there is almost a divided legislature, the powers that be can still control it well.


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